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在2026年2月28日,伊朗最高领袖Ali Khamenei在一次对伊朗本土的美以联合袭击中丧生。德黑兰宣布全国哀悼40天。文章认为这并非一个孤立的偶发事件,而是区域权力重排的结果。自1979年伊斯兰革命以来,美伊关系长期敌对,但伊朗直到去年6月才首次在本土遭到美国军队短暂加入以色列打击三处与核相关的军事目标。因此,这一震动并不只是伊朗突然的突然无力,而是战略威慑框架崩解的体现。

这一转向与2022年俄乌战争有关。旧的中东“冷战”格局——以以色列/约旦/沙特/海湾国家阵营对抗以伊朗为首、由俄罗斯支持的抵抗轴心——在阿塞拜疆于2023年战胜亚美尼亚,并在土耳其支持下确立纳希切万走廊后出现裂解。2024年12月,阿萨德在叙利亚于12天内倒台;俄罗斯被乌克兰战事牵制,无法干预,叙利亚九年来投入的上千亿卢布支持未带来安全保障。2023年10月哈马斯在加沙的行动又引发更强烈的以色列压力,六月伊朗遭袭后,普京仅作谴责,没有提供具体援助。

战略误判是核心:普京在南奥塞梯、叙利亚、利比亚和克里米亚取得“切香肠式”成果并见证美国在伊拉克、利比亚、叙利亚和2021年阿富汗撤军中的困境,因此预期西方会弱反应。乌克兰反而成了代价高昂的消耗战。伊朗也高估了自己:虽于2007年受邀加入CSTO却从未加入,却仍依赖俄罗斯武器(2000—07年占其军购的85%)并依托1月17日签署的“20+5年”战略伙伴关系条约。2024年伊朗GDP为436.9亿美元,人口9157万,人均4771美元,与越南的GDP 476.3亿美元、人口1.01亿、人均4717美元接近;而中方相关项目接连受阻,包括恰巴哈尔前期投入的23亿元人民币后来部分转给印度,都显示其地缘判断延后。

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On 28 February 2026, Iran’s Ali Khamenei died in a U.S.-Israel strike on Iranian territory. Tehran announced 40 days of mourning. The article says this was not an isolated surprise, but a result of regional power reordering. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, U.S.-Iran hostility was entrenched, yet Iran avoided direct attacks on its mainland until last June, when U.S. forces briefly joined Israel to hit three Iranian nuclear-linked military sites. The shock therefore reflects not abrupt Iranian weakness, but the collapse of a strategic deterrence framework.

This shift is tied to Russia’s 2022 Ukraine war. The old Middle Eastern “cold war” alignment—an Israel/Jordan/Saudi/Gulf bloc versus an Iran-led, Russia-backed resistance axis—eroded as Azerbaijan beat Armenia in 2023 and, with Turkish backing, secured a Nakhchivan corridor. In December 2024, Assad fell in 12 days in Syria; Russia, tied down in Ukraine, could not intervene, and years of more than 100 billion rubles in Syrian support brought no security return. A 2023 Hamas operation in Gaza then raised Israeli pressure, and after the June Iran strike, Putin offered only condemnation, not concrete help.

Strategic misreading is central. Putin believed repeated “salami-slicing” gains in South Ossetia, Syria, Libya, and Crimea, plus U.S. trouble in Iraq, Libya, Syria, and the 2021 Afghanistan withdrawal, meant weak Western backlash. Ukraine instead became a costly drain. Iran also overestimated itself: invited to the CSTO in 2007 but never joining, it still relied on Russia for 85% of its military imports in 2000–07 and on a 20+5 year strategic treaty signed on January 17. In 2024 Iran had GDP $436.9bn, population 91.57m, per-capita $4,771, close to Vietnam’s GDP $476.3bn, 101m people, $4,717 per capita, while repeated setbacks in China-linked projects—including 23 billion RMB prepayment at Chabahar partly reassigned to India—showed a lagging geopolitical reading.
2026-03-03 (Tuesday) · ebbf82a7db36d80af653b631097661dca828e99a